Burke contrasts England’s respect for its long-held traditions and moral intuitions with France’s growing interest in radical deism and atheism. He emphasizes that England sees faith as the foundation of society, while France is abandoning these principles. Furthermore, he asserts that government should be regarded as a protector of society and moral order, not as an institution to be disrespected or overthrown.

Religious and Moral Decay in France

He criticizes the revolutionaries for manipulating history, such as reviving memories of past religious persecution to incite hatred against innocent people in the present, including clergymen who have done nothing wrong.

Historical Manipulation

Burke questions whether the French Revolution was even necessary, pointing out that most French politicians in 1789 sought reform rather than full-scale revolution. While he acknowledges the problems within the monarchy, aristocracy, and church, he argues that none of these justified the creation of a "despotic democracy."Despotic democrary refers to a system where democratic structures exist, but power is exercised in an authoritarian or oppressive manner.

Questioning the Necessity of Revolution

Our patience will achieve more than force

Burke concludes by advising France to follow Britain’s model. He reiterates that change should be aimed at protecting existing freedoms while respecting ancestral traditions. In other words, France should pursue gradual reform rather than radical revolution.

Conclusion and Advice to France

In his detailed analysis of France’s institutions, Burke argues that the new lawmakers in the National Assembly are too ambitious and lack the wisdom and patience required for careful reform. Examining their actions across various sectors including legislation, governance, the military, the courts, and the financial system, he concludes that they are incapable of fulfilling their responsibilities.

Critic of Revolutionary Policies and National Assembly

For example, the National Assembly’s decision to redraw the map of France into equal-sized districts for representation has worsened inequality rather than alleviating it. The already fragile French economy is likely to collapse, as it relies too heavily on seizing land from the church. Meanwhile, the army’s internal discipline has deteriorated, making it incapable of maintaining order or commanding respect.

Although he does not expect to change Depont’s mind, (Charles-Jean Francois Depont.) he urges him to reflect on Burke’s arguments, which are based on years of experience and careful observation. He warns that the French commonwealth may one day find itself in need of such wisdom.

The leaders of the Glorious Revolution instituted regular parliamentary meetings, not as a blueprint for future uprisings, but as a defense of rights already outlined in the Magna Carta. Their actions were meant to preserve existing liberties, not to create an entirely new system of government.

Instead, he believes government is a product of human wisdom, designed to address human needs based on a deep understanding of human nature and history, rather than abstract theories. He warns that an obsession with vague rights can cause people to lose sight of actual individuals and instead become mesmerized by the spectacle of change.

To illustrate his concerns, Burke recounts the attack on Versailles on October 6, 1789, when troops forced the king and queen to flee to Paris against their will. He portrays Queen Marie Antoinette in a sympathetic light, lamenting the erosion of honor and loyalty in France. He argues that the victory of the "Rights of Man" has made it more difficult for people to discern right from wrong.

Burke criticizes the French Revolution as an impulsive and reckless rebellion against an illegitimate monarchy, severing France from its historical and cultural roots. While he does not entirely dismiss the idea of natural rights, he argues that they are not a sufficient foundation for government.

The French Revolution

Burke strongly disagrees with Price’s interpretation of the Glorious Revolution. He argues that the Declaration of Rights that followed it did not establish these supposed rights. Instead of determining how England’s rulers would be chosen, the declaration secured a clear line of Protestant succession as a safeguard for English freedoms.

Burke’s Interpretation of the Glorious Revolution

Edmund Burke writes to a young French reporter named Depont, asking for his thoughts on the revolutionary events unfolding in France. Burke expresses his strong opposition to the French Revolution and the Revolution Society, which collaborates with France’s National Assembly to spread revolutionary ideas to England.

Introduction

Burke begins his critique by addressing a sermon delivered by the dissenting preacher and political radical Richard Price. In his sermon, Price argues that the English people have the right to choose their own governors, remove them for misconduct, and create a government for themselves, drawing inspiration from the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Richard Price interpreted the Glorious Revolution in his book A Discourse on the Love of Our Country (1789) as a victory for the principles of liberty, democracy, and the people's right to choose their rulers.

Richard Price’s Sermon

Full Summary of Reflections on the Revolution in France by Edmund Burke

This new and up-to-date edition of a book that has been central to political philosophy, history, and revolutionary thought for two hundred years offers readers a dire warning of the consequences that follow the mismanagement of change. Written for a generation presented with challenges of terrible proportions--the Industrial, American, and French Revolutions, to name the most obvious--Burke's Reflections of the Revolution in France displays an acute awareness of how high political stakes can be, as well as a keen ability to set contemporary problems within a wider context of political theory.

Historical Manipulation

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