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IWW has embraced a model of organizing different from the standard route of winning a National Labor Relations Board-supervised election, bargaining a contract, and servicing it with outside staff.
“solidarity unionism:" based on workers forming their own self-managed committees and taking direct action in the workplace
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The single most salient challenge facing the IWW today is how to build stable, long-term IWW workplace unions outside of the contractual framework — solidarity unions that can survive, grow stronger, and expand union conditions for decades
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within the IWW, even though we have a critique of the mainstream, contract-servicing approach, many who believe in solidarity unionism still tend to assume longevity and stability require legal union recognition and a contract. The idea seems to be: “direct action is important, but if you want to make sure the union still has presence in the shop five years down the road, the only way to get there is to hold an election and put a contract in place.”
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What does a long-term solidarity union look like in a single shop?
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What can the solidarity union model achieve?
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Two things should be noted:
First, benefits and working conditions have been getting worse for workers who are covered by union contracts. (It is a distortion to fault solidarity unions for not living up to standards even some of the largest business unions are failing to meet.)
Second, some of the biggest material gains that have been made in the last decade have been achieved by working outside of existing union infrastructure, essentially using the solidarity union model.
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we need to stop thinking of solidarity unions as synonymous with that kind of initial, all-out war, for one thing because no group of workers can sustain that exhausting level of conflict for more than a year or two. It’s also a standard we arbitrarily hold solidarity unions to and not contract shops.
In reality, there is nothing wrong with a lull in a solidarity union as workers take a breather or regroup or quietly keep an eye on conditions, as long as they have a durable administrative infrastructure, and the ability to take action again, when necessary.
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The bottom line is, we think it is more powerful to keep power in the hands of workers, rather than shifting struggles off the floor and into closed boardrooms, in discussions between company and union experts like lawyers and paid officers while the workers work now and learn the outcome of the grievance process later.
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